First published: June 11, 2026 at 08:30 AM
Last update: June 11, 2026 at 08:05 PM
Issue
Issue for June 11, 2026
This is the stable daily issue page at `/digest/2026-06-11/`: all updates for the day are collected in one feed with a verification log.
Last update: June 11, 2026 at 08:05 PMCards: 3Stories: 2
Fresh issue
June 11, 2026
The daily edition combines the NIS energy crossroads, a new procedural turn in the Autokomanda/Senjak case, and a local transport dispute around GSP; the evening update clarifies control risks around NIS and the questioning around Interventna jedinica 92.
- 02:15 PM
The daily snapshot captures cards about the NIS-MOL deal, the procedural turn in the Autokomanda/Senjak case, and the GSP workers' demands.
- 08:05 PM
The evening update added new N1 reporting on questioning and criticism of MUP's work in the Autokomanda/Senjak branch, plus N1 and Danas expert assessments of the NIS-MOL compromise and the meaning of the extra five percent of shares.
News feed
Issue cards

On June 11, N1 reported that deputy commander Mitar J., assistant commander Jugoslav S., and intervention team leader Nenad S. denied the allegations, while Steak and Wine Bar director Darko Z. remained silent during questioning before the Higher Prosecutor's Office. Prosecutors sought custody for Jugoslav S., Nenad S., and Darko Z., house arrest with electronic monitoring for Mitar J., and retired police colonel Slavica Radovanovic called the MUP's work in the Senjak case sloppy and amateurish.
Context: Boske, Senjak, and Autokomanda
N1
Custody for the Interventna jedinica 92 commander and the intervention team leader over the obstruction of Vukovic's prosecution
(Pritvor komandantu Interventne jedinice 92 i vođi interventnog tima u vezi sa sprečavanjem procesuiranja Vukovića)
N1 says the case has reached the custody stage for the commander of Interventna jedinica 92 and the intervention team leader. The piece directly ties the procedural measures to suspicion that the normal prosecution of Sasa Vukovic Boske was obstructed after the Autokomanda shooting.
Read sourceN1
Prosecutor Lazic: it would be logical for the Supreme Public Prosecutor's Office to review the work of the Higher Prosecutor's Office in the Senjak case
(Tužilac Lazić: Bilo bi logično da Vrhovno javno tužilaštvo izvrši nadzor rada VJT u slučaju "Senjak")
In a second N1 item, prosecutor Nenad Lazic lifts the story to the level of oversight of the prosecution itself. That shifts the case from a standalone criminal episode to a question of trust in institutions and whether an outside review of the Higher Prosecutor's Office is needed.
Read sourceN1
Three Interventna jedinica 92 officers and the restaurant director were questioned; custody was requested
(Saslušana trojica pripadnika Interventne jedinice 92 i direktor restorana, zatražen pritvor)
N1 cites the Higher Prosecutor's Office: deputy commander Mitar J., assistant commander Jugoslav S., and intervention team leader Nenad S. denied the allegations, while Steak and Wine Bar director Darko Z. remained silent. After questioning, prosecutors requested custody for Jugoslav S., Nenad S., and Darko Z., and a ban on leaving home with electronic monitoring for Mitar J.
Read sourceN1
Radovanovic: MUP's operational work in the Senjak murder investigation was sloppy and amateurish
(Radovanović: Operativni rad MUP-a u istrazi ubistva na Senjaku urađen traljavo i amaterski)
Slavica Radovanovic, a retired police colonel, told N1 that the investigation into the killing at venue 27 in Senjak requires accountability from the leadership of the Criminal Police Directorate. She said cell-site data, material evidence, camera footage, movement routes, and information on who was in the venue should have been gathered in the first hours, but that three weeks later those answers remain unclear.
Read sourceKurir
Detained Interventna officers were questioned, denied covering up the shooting, and were remanded for up to 30 days
(SASLUŠANI UHAPŠENI PRIPADNICI INTERVENTNE: Negirali da su zataškavali pucnjavu; Određen im pritvor do 30 dana)
Kurir writes that the detained Interventna jedinica 92 officers denied the allegations of covering up the shooting and were remanded for up to 30 days. The emphasis is on questioning and the formal procedural stage rather than on institutional oversight.
Read source
On June 11, minister Dubravka Djedovic Handanovic said Serbia had completed its part of the arrangement with MOL over NIS, but that an agreement between Gazprom Neft and MOL and US approval were still needed. By evening, N1 and Danas added expert framing: the extra five percent of shares does not itself create control without changing NIS's statute, while the current OFAC license expires on June 16.
Context: NIS and sanctions
N1
Serbia and MOL reached a deal: will it become known what is written in the shareholder agreement
(Srbija i MOL postigli dogovor: Hoće li se znati šta piše u akcionarskom ugovoru)
Forbes/N1 writes that the day began with NIS requesting a new OFAC operating license because the current one expires on June 16, and ended with the minister's statement about a Serbia-MOL deal. If Gazprom Neft sells 56.15 percent of NIS to MOL and OFAC approves the transaction, Serbia is supposed to buy another five percent and gain broader management rights.
Read sourceN1
Djedovic Handanovic: next comes the Gazprom Neft-MOL agreement, then approval by the US administration
(Đedović Handanović: Sledi dogovor Gaspromnjefta i MOL-a, pa odobrenje američke administracije)
In a second N1 item, the minister explicitly clarifies that Serbia has, in her account, done its part, but that closing the deal still depends on the Russian and Hungarian sides and on US approval. That matters because a public compromise still does not mean the risk to supplies and refinery operations is gone before June 16.
Read sourceDanas
Djedovic Handanovic on the deal with MOL: we have finished our part, now everything is in the hands of the Russian and Hungarian side
(Đedović Handanović o dogovoru sa MOL-om: Mi smo naš posao završili, sada je sve u rukama ruske i mađarske strane)
Danas records the same crossroads but keeps practical conditions for NIS at the center: another five percent for Serbia, the role of the board, and guarantees for keeping the Pancevo refinery running. As a result, the minister's statement reads not as an end point but as an intermediate step in a complicated energy transaction.
Read sourceN1
N1 guests: what the compromise in MOL-Serbia talks means
(Gosti N1: Šta znači "kompromis" u pregovorima MOL-a i Srbije?)
N1 reports that MOL said it had completed talks with Serbia's government on a shareholder agreement for acquiring a majority stake in NIS, while talks with the seller and institutions continue. Economic journalist Mijat Lakicevic asks what Serbia gave in return for the refinery guarantee, and analyst Dragomir Andjelkovic says the NIS sale has become a political story for Russia, not only an economic one.
Read sourceDanas
Serbia-MOL deal: the state touts an extra five percent of shares, but they mean nothing without changing NIS's statute
(Dogovor Srbije i MOL-a: Država se hvali sa dodatnih pet odsto akcija, ali one ne znače ništa bez promene statuta NIS-a)
Danas quotes Nenad Gujanicic of Momentum Securities saying the extra five percent of shares looks like an empty and populist issue because 35 percent gives the state no more control than 30 percent unless NIS's statute changes. The article also restates the minister's conditions: MOL should keep the Pancevo refinery operating at least at the average annual level of the four years before sanctions, but the transaction still depends on Gazprom Neft, MOL, and OFAC.
Read source
On June 11, GSP workers marched from Trg Nikole Pasica to the Serbian government, saying the city and the public transport secretariat had ignored their previous demands. For Belgrade residents, the practical stakes are the future of GSP routes, the purchase of buses and trolleybuses, and the tender for a public-private transport partnership.
N1
We are witnessing an attempt to tycoonize public transport: GSP workers submitted demands to the government
("Imamo na delu pokušaj tajkunizacije javnog prevoza": Radnici GSP predali zahteve Vladi)
N1 reports that GSP employees protested again after city authorities and mayor Aleksandar Sapic, in the workers' telling, failed to answer earlier appeals. Ivan Bankovic of Sindikat GSP Centar laid out four demands: stop the public-private partnership tender, provide written guarantees that the routes will not be handed to private operators, and buy new buses and trolleybuses.
Read sourceDanas
Protest by Belgrade GSP workers, four demands for the Serbian government
(Protest radnika beogradskog GSP-a, četiri zahteva za Vladu Srbije)
Danas also records the protest as both a city and an economic story and stresses that the workers are no longer appealing only to city hall but to the government as well. That shows the dispute over funding the operator, EXPO buses, and the future of GSP routes has moved far beyond an internal company conflict.
Read sourceContext
Long-running stories with updates
Stories
Boske, Senjak, and Autokomanda
This story connects the shooting at a restaurant on Autokomanda, the arrests of Interventna jedinica 92 officers, the figure of Sasa Vukovic Boske, former Belgrade police chief Veselin Milic, and the separate Senjak branch. It is no longer only a crime chronicle but also a story about how police and prosecutors handle cases involving connected people.
- The Autokomanda branch is about suspicion that some police officers failed to record the shooting properly and helped conceal procedural traces.
- The name of Sasa Vukovic Boske appears as the figure whom, according to the prosecution's version, the authorities did not properly prosecute after the shooting.
- On June 11, N1 reported that the commander of Interventna jedinica 92 and a team leader were placed in custody over obstruction of Vukovic's prosecution.
- On the evening of June 11, N1 reported that Mitar J., Jugoslav S., and Nenad S. denied the allegations, Darko Z. remained silent, and the Higher Prosecutor's Office sought custody for Jugoslav S., Nenad S., and Darko Z. and house arrest with electronic monitoring for Mitar J.
- In comments to N1, former inspector Sinisa Carevic says the restaurant owner's testimony, cameras, cell-site data, and phone contacts will matter.
- Retired police colonel Slavica Radovanovic called MUP's work in the Senjak murder investigation sloppy and amateurish and tied the problem to the leadership of the Criminal Police Directorate.
- The Senjak branch remains a separate but closely related story about a shooting, the killing of Aleksandar Nesovic, and complaints of police violence during questioning.
- Prosecutor Nenad Lazic told N1 that it would be logical to review the work of the Higher Prosecutor's Office in the Senjak case at the level of the Supreme Public Prosecutor's Office.
- On June 12, Novosti reported that the Higher Court in Belgrade extended custody for Veselin Milic for up to 30 days, and also extended custody for Sasa Vukovic, Mario S., Danka V., Nenad L., Dejan S., and Jasna Z. in the Aleksandar Nesovic Baja murder case.
- On June 13, 021 carried the Higher Prosecutor's Office explanation: the part of the complaint against Milic alleging assistance to the perpetrator after the crime was dismissed because further evidence and testimony did not confirm that he called Nesovic to come without security, was in the restaurant at the time of the killing, or removed traces.
- On June 13, prosecutors expanded the investigation into Aleksandar Nesovic's killing: Sasa V. and Mario S. are suspected of aggravated murder as co-perpetrators, Danka V. of assisting aggravated murder, and evidentiary actions were ordered against Veselin M. and seven others in the failure-to-report and assistance-after-the-crime branches.
- On June 16, Sasa Vukovic Boske was questioned at the Higher Prosecutor's Office at his own request; lawyer Ivan Simic confirmed that questioning continues on June 17, while details of the statement are not known.
- On June 18, Novosti reported that Vukovic Boske spent two days giving his defense in the presence of three Higher Prosecutor's Office prosecutors over suspicion in the killing of Aleksandar Nesovic Baja at restaurant "27" in Senjak.
- On June 20, VJT ordered the Second Basic Prosecutor's Office to form a case and identify unknown persons who, according to the defense, threatened Veselin Milic in Belgrade district jail; the prison administration said it follows safety procedures for all detainees.
Timeline
How the story developed
According to N1, Danas, Kurir, and Novosti, a shooting incident took place at the Steak and Wine Bar on Autokomanda. The prosecution later said it suspected that some police officers had failed to carry out the necessary steps after the event.
The Senjak branch intensified through reporting on the killing of Aleksandar Nesovic and complaints of police violence during questioning. N1 stressed that prosecutors were not releasing details, citing the protection of the pre-investigation phase.
All four outlets wrote about the arrest of the commander and officers of Interventna jedinica 92. N1 and Danas stressed institutional failure and procedural violations, Kurir personalized the case through the figure of the commander, and Novosti relayed the official prosecutorial position.
N1 reported that the commander of Interventna jedinica 92 and a team leader were placed in custody, and later detailed the questioning of Mitar J., Jugoslav S., Nenad S., and Darko Z. After the questioning, the Higher Prosecutor's Office sought custody for Jugoslav S., Nenad S., and Darko Z., house arrest for Mitar J., while Slavica Radovanovic called MUP's work in the Senjak branch sloppy and amateurish.
Novosti reported that the preliminary-proceedings judge of the Higher Court in Belgrade extended custody for up to 30 days for Veselin Milic, Sasa Vukovic, Mario S., Danka V., Nenad L., Dejan S., and Jasna Z. in the Aleksandar Nesovic Baja murder case.
021 carried the Higher Prosecutor's Office explanation for dismissing part of the complaint against Veselin Milic: subsequent evidence and testimony did not confirm a call inviting Aleksandar Nesovic to come without security, Milic's presence in the restaurant at the time of the killing, or his removal of traces.
Prosecutors expanded the investigation into Aleksandar Nesovic's killing: Sasa V. and Mario S. are suspected of aggravated murder as co-perpetrators, Danka V. of assisting aggravated murder, and evidentiary actions were ordered against Veselin M., Nenad L., Vuk S., Petar U., Dejan S., Jasna Z., Milos J., and Dusan V.
Sasa Vukovic Boske, whom prosecutors describe as the direct perpetrator in Aleksandar Nesovic's killing, was questioned at his own request; lawyer Ivan Simic said the questioning continues on June 17.
Novosti reported that Vukovic Boske spent two days giving his defense before three Higher Prosecutor's Office prosecutors over suspicions in Aleksandar Nesovic Baja's killing at restaurant "27" in Senjak.
After the defense alleged threats to Veselin Milic in Belgrade district jail, VJT ordered the Second Basic Prosecutor's Office to identify unknown persons, while the prison administration said it strictly follows safety procedures for all detainees.
Stories
NIS and sanctions
NIS is Serbia's key oil company and the operator of the Pancevo refinery. This story follows how sanctions against the Russian stake in the company affect fuel supplies, Serbia's talks with MOL, Gazprom Neft, and the United States, and control over strategic infrastructure.
- On June 11, 2026, minister Dubravka Djedovic Handanovic said Serbia and MOL had agreed on the shareholder framework around NIS.
- The next step is an agreement between Gazprom Neft and MOL, followed by approval from the US administration.
- Before the current OFAC license expired on June 16, 2026, NIS requested a new special license.
- If Gazprom Neft sells 56.15 percent of NIS to MOL and OFAC approves the transaction, Serbia is supposed to buy another five percent of the shares.
- With that extra five percent, Serbia's stake would rise to roughly 35 percent, while MOL would remain the controlling owner with 51.15 percent.
- According to the minister, the Hungarian side has undertaken to keep the Pancevo refinery running at least around the average annual level of the four years before sanctions.
- By evening, N1 and Danas added expert framing: without changing NIS's statute, the extra five percent does not give Serbia new control, and the question remains dependent on Gazprom Neft, MOL, and OFAC.
- On June 12, Forbes/N1 added a check on an alternative Serbian buyer: Ranko Mimovic's company, tied to Reuters' report of a EUR 2 billion offer for NIS, had six account blocks over tax rulings in half a year and received a first court dispute for RSD 98,496.
- On June 13, 021/RTS carried Jelica Putnikovic's assessment: the next key fork is Tuesday, June 16, when existing NIS licenses expire, while the outcome depends on OFAC, concrete contracts, and guarantees for the Pancevo refinery.
- On June 16, the Energy Ministry and MOL signed a shareholder agreement: it takes effect only if MOL reaches a deal with Gazprom Neft to buy 56.15 percent of NIS and OFAC approves the transaction.
- Under the agreement Serbia is to buy an additional five percent of the shares, the Pancevo refinery should operate for at least 10 years at capacity comparable to the four years before US sanctions, and Petrohemija should avoid disruption.
- Aleksandar Vucic said from Tbilisi that, based on information he was receiving from Washington, NIS's operating license may be extended for another 15 days, but this had not been officially confirmed at the moment of his statement.
- On June 19, Dubravka Djedovic Handanovic said the Serbian side had completed its part of the talks with MOL, and that the next practical step is a Gazprom Neft-MOL agreement acceptable to OFAC.
Timeline
How the story developed
Serbia privatized NIS and the controlling stake moved to the Russian side. From that point on, ownership in NIS became not only a business question but also part of Serbia's relations with Russia, the EU, and the United States.
US sanctions against NIS became a practical threat to the company's operations and required special OFAC licenses so that NIS could continue operating while a solution on ownership was being sought.
MOL and Gazprom Neft announced a preliminary framework for the purchase of 56.15 percent of NIS, but the transaction remained dependent on OFAC, regulatory approvals, and a final sale contract.
Serbia and MOL announced a compromise on the shareholder agreement: Serbia gets additional governance rights, the Pancevo refinery is supposed to keep operating, and the key immediate deadline remains June 16, 2026. Later the minister clarified that Serbia had completed its part, but the deal now depends on Gazprom Neft, MOL, and the United States; evening N1 and Danas items stressed that without a statute change, the extra five percent of shares is not the same as control.
Forbes/N1 checked Ranko Mimovic's company, which Reuters had linked on May 6 to a EUR 2 billion offer to buy NIS. KFT Senator Treasury G.T.7 Dva had its account blocked six times in half a year at the Tax Administration's initiative, and on May 28 a first court dispute for RSD 98,496 was opened against it; this deepened doubts around alternative Serbian offers for NIS.
021, citing RTS, carried Jelica Putnikovic's assessment that the key decision is expected on Tuesday, June 16, when existing NIS licenses expire. She tied the outcome to OFAC consent, concrete contracts, possible governance changes, and the future of the Pancevo refinery.
Serbia and MOL signed a shareholder agreement on the future management of NIS. It depends on MOL's final deal with Gazprom Neft for 56.15 percent of NIS and OFAC approval; the same day Vucic said he expects the NIS license to be extended by 15 days.
Dubravka Djedovic Handanovic said that after the agreement with MOL, the Serbian side has completed its part of the talks, while the final NIS sale now depends on Gazprom Neft, MOL, and whether the solution is acceptable to OFAC.